Strategies for Effect-Oriented Crime Prevention

These are a few of many questions that need to be put, for the numerous projects and initiatives aimed at preventing crime cover a very wide spectrum. Often, however, the question of effectiveness is often not even raised. And local authorities keen to invest in meaningful preventive action receive no answer to valid questions about the effectiveness of programmes. Instead they are referred to publications listing projects that are confusing in their multiplicity and have nothing to say about effectiveness.

Empirical Effects Research

Practically no empirical research has yet been undertaken on crime prevention. No systematic evaluation of the crime prevention measures in place has been carried out to date (BMI/BMJ 2001). Almost all we have are project reports and theoretical concepts without any reliable research into effects. There are many reasons for this situation, including a lack of research resources, little criminological engagement in this difficult field, and practitioners' reluctance to face up to the meagre results of their efforts.

On the basis of the many studies into the causes of crime and theoretical concepts of primary, secondary, and tertiary crime prevention, many practical approaches were developed, initially in the United States, then in neighbouring European countries, and finally in Germany. Well-founded evaluation of prevention projects, without which the empirical effectiveness of crime reduction cannot been proved, has been neglected everywhere. Simply to rely on the well-meaning argument that prevention is better than repression is the wrong strategy, also in view of the possible waste of resources and effort or even the failure to recognise the role played by the consolidation of criminal structures - in peer groups, for example - in encouraging criminality.

To take stock of crime prevention efforts and at least recommend guidelines for practitioners, reviewing the widespread but isolated empirical findings of effects research in Germany on the lines of the "Sherman Report" in the United States (Sherman et al. 1997) is helpful.(1)

An attempt was made in this direction in 2001 for the Düsseldorf municipality (Rössner/Bannenberg 2002). The two-volume work, available to the general public,(2) presents a broad secondary analysis of national and international effects research with the aim of pinpointing clearing recognisable effect factors in crime prevention for practical purposes. To analyse the current status of crime prevention and evaluate its success means tackling a difficult to manage, complex mass of material. Even if much detail needs to be filled in and precisely investigated, relatively clear structures and general lines in effective crime prevention can be identified. The report is based on a multi-level concept that aims to record congruent basic functions of effective crime prevention. The first part evaluates 61 studies on crime prevention distinguished by their interesting and up-to-date approaches, and especially by valid empirical back-up research. Local government policy can take such concrete and successful models as a guide, adjusting them to suit local conditions.(3) The second part contains excerpts from the Sherman Report, and part three provides specific findings of effects research on xenophobic and extreme rightwing violence (Wagner/van Dick/Christ, 2002): 265 ff.; Wagner/van Dick/Endrikat 2002: 96 ff.; Wagner/Christ/Kühnel 2002: 110 ff.). Even if few evaluation studies are involved, certain recommendations can be made. Measures to reduce xenophobic attitudes, which can provide a breeding ground for concrete violence, should either make use of specific information on cultural differences and their causes or rely on contacts under favourable conditions. The school is a place where both attitude modification can be tackled and aggression and violence prevention programmes carried out (Wagner/van Dick/Christ 2002): 324). Finally, part four investigates what policy conclusions for German cities are to be drawn from the largely American debate on "broken windows" and "zero tolerance" (Laue 2002: 333 ff., 424 ff.). American conditions under which the establishment of formal order constitutes the basis for social control and a peaceable community cannot be compared with German conditions, so that "broken window" theories must be considered inappropriate crime prevention concepts for Germany. Fundamental structures of realistic crime prevention derived from the findings of these four parts are to be outlined below.(4)

The Possibilities and Limits of Effects Research in Crime Prevention

An examination of effects research reveals a distinction, which, while attracting hardly any attention, is crucial in evaluating crime prevention. Are measures intended more generally and unspecifically to establish beneficial conditions for socialisation, the basis for acquiring behavioural and value orientations as well as knowledge about and a feeling for social situations and for conformity behaviour, or are they planned and targeted, specific courses of action to reduce crime, i.e., specific crime prevention? Primary socialisation and education as well as secondary socialisation in kindergartens and schools naturally have a considerable influence on children and adolescents, i.e., on their development and resistance to criminality. But such general foundations for successful integration into the community are almost impossible to measure or determine. Societal change, manifest in the loosening or dissolution of family structures and cohesion in the immediate social milieu, and the loss of ties with societal institutions, e.g., local authorities, churches, clubs, cannot be influenced by isolated, specific crime prevention measures. Specific crime prevention can be concerned only with positive change in particular conditions that manifestly deviate from "average" socialisation in a given society. It should be remembered that intensive and hardened criminality is a relatively stable "5-per-cent problem" under a wide range of societal conditions. Nether "all" children and adolescents nor members of any other age group are habitually criminal; a minority of intensive offenders (some 5 per cent in male groups, far fewer among girls and women) display a syndrome of social deficiencies that apparently influence their behaviour. The main elements of this syndrome are a dysfunctional family; lack of control and of care and attention in the family; changing or violence-oriented educational behaviour by parents; substantially deviant behaviours like truancy and aggression at school; no school-leaving qualifications or vocational training; no supportive human relationships; incapacity for emotional communication (Göppinger 1997): 252 ff.; Kaiser 1996: 523 ff.; Marneros/Ullrich/Rössner 2000: 5 ff.).

Overall, it appears that unspecific crime prevention measures cannot be isolated from complex socialisation processes and are therefore scarcely accessible to targeted effects research. This is not to say that by ameliorating societal conditions and remedying shortcomings in basic socialisation "unspecific" prevention has no impact. On the contrary. But these underlying conditions are not amenable to specific effects research. One example is provided by the recent ban on corporal punishment for children. It is considered certain that the physical maltreatment of children or adolescents correlates with later aggressiveness (Pfeiffer/Delzer/Enzmann/Wetzels 1998), but the general consequences of this amendment to legislation are practically impossible to investigate empirically.

These considerations have been empirically confirmed: the negative findings of the most important prevention study yet undertaken, the Cambridge Somerville Youth Study (Powers/Witmer 1951), show that even where a range of social help is available, specific crime reduction effects are not necessarily demonstrable in the dominating overall process of socialisation. The ineffectiveness of measures designed to change public attitudes and behaviour demonstrates the failure to influence overall societal processes. All the studies looked at in this area, some involving elaborate and costly media campaigns, come to similar conclusions. Information disseminated through the mass media cannot prevent crime, although it might have other positive effects. But it has no specific preventative impact, which must be taken into consideration when appropriating resources for costly poster, film, or exhibition campaigns.

Guidelines for Applied Crime Prevention

Specific crime prevention addresses children and adolescents at risk in the family, at nursery school, kindergarten, and in the community. Crime prevention measures designed to prevent recidivism address delinquents who have already been convicted and thus require resocialization. Effective crime prevention is characteristically intervention that focuses directly on the punishable behaviour, that either takes early, intensive, and comprehensive effect in multi-problem cases, or tackles specific deviant behaviours (intervention programmes). Such intervention takes norm clarification as the basis for all social control (Hassemer 1999: 23 ff.). Social integration is to be achieved through broad, multi-level concepts ensuring targeted, supportive socialisation at the macro-social level, through family and school influences, and at the level of the individual personality.

Development-related criminality must be treated differently from predictably consistent development towards criminality in the context of a given lifestyle. Any development towards habitual crime involving the above risk factors needs urgent intervention in socialisation at an early stage, for example in the family or at school. Media campaigns, like appeals against violence, do not influence serious delinquent developments.

Intervention Programmes Directly Addressing Delinquent Behaviour

Effects research shows that open thematization, strict application of rules, concentrated counteraction, support for victims, and the surveillance of dangerous areas have a marked impact in preventing crime, especially violent crime.

Informal social control in as orderly an environment as possible has a specific effect at all levels and in all societal institutions.(5)

In the family, all effective multi-systematic treatment also relies on strictly non-violent but more intensive control over the child or adolescent. Parents should be neither aggressive nor inconsistent in educating their offspring, nor should they be too lax. Limits must be set and desirable behaviour encouraged. Parental supervision of the child is thus a vital preventive factor (Fend 2000: 451). Clear standards and limits in orderly structures are also important factors in early substitute upbringing in homes (Lösel/Bliesener 1994: 753 ff.). And even more clearly, the control of deviant and endangered adolescents in foster families, who, together with a permanent child welfare careperson, ensure that rules are obeyed strictly and meticulously for six to nine months, constitutes the core element of a successful and currently much lauded programme in the United States (Schumann 2001: 435 ff.). Once again, rule learning proves to be highly effective in almost all social relations.(6)

Apart from the family, prevention is most important at school, and crime prevention programmes are accordingly most advanced in this field (Olweus 1978; 1995; Nolting/Knopf 1998: 249 ff.; Nolting 2001; Schubarth/Ackermann 2000).(7)

Particularly successful multi-level concepts like the Olweus programme use the school as the level of intervention where social norms and basic rules are learned (e.g., not to attack anyone, to help victims of attack, not to exclude anyone). For children and adolescents this first level is decisive for the experience of encountering the same rules everywhere and, where they are strictly applied, of learning to rely on them. This very first element of the multi-level concept develops crucial preventive force in the field of informal sanctions - with "offender-related" acute norm intervention and long-term educational measures, as well as "victim-related" acute protection reactions and long-term reinforcement relating to school, the school class, and the individual. An ideal combination combines offender and victim-related measures in offender-victim mediation or conflict resolution programmes. Offender-victim mediation offers a non-violent model for conflict resolution and for strengthening empathy as a protective factor against crime (Simsa 2001). The biggest problem in practical implementation is apparently to persuade the people and institutions responsible (school directors, teachers, parents, youth welfare office, youth welfare services, the police, etc.) to acknowledge the problem and to ensure their cooperation. Crime prevention councils could assume an enormously important mediating role in this regard. The people involved are often surprised that a problem like violence at school, which takes the form of blackmail, threats, and bodily harm, and where victims are usually younger and weaker students, is also a matter of concern in other institutions, and only the interlinking and coordination of countermeasures offers any real prospect of success in containing this deleterious behaviour.

Sport offers similar possibilities with the necessary and inevitable linkage between physical exertion and obedience to rules. Sport provides a relatively comprehensible and simple illustration of a system for regulating violence. It includes the experience of physical stress situations and a knowledge of the resulting emotions and their physical processing. The limited preventive effect of sport programmes shown by effectiveness studies, e.g., midnight basketball, or a one-off event like a football tournament, is, in contrast to school programmes, due mostly to the lack of a multi-level concept and too low a level of intensity. If it is contribute to preventing crime, sport must be used to develop lasting, stable ties with endangered juveniles.

In the neighbourhood, orderly conditions and constructive, informal control are fully effective factors in regional crime prevention, as an overview of individual studies (8) and the comparable analysis contained in the Sherman Report show. The civic and community commitment of the following programmes is particularly worth noting.

In publicly assisted housing estates, control by so-called "social caretakers" in cooperation with residents can prevent some offences in housing complexes.

In the broader neighbourhood, projects to reduce opportunities for crime in high-rise housing estates are advisable; combinations of police foot patrols and activation of the public to reduce opportunities for various types of criminal offence; neighbourhood-watch programmes, improvement of social ties, cooperation with the police, especially to improve burglary prevention. It should be noted that, depending on how these measures are implemented, they can produce a negative side-effect in the form of a rise in the fear of crime (Kohl 2000: 752 ff.).

In the community as a whole, prevention efforts need to be supplemented and interlinked. Here, too, success has been achieved, for example with safer cities programmes (9) against various types of crime like burglary, family violence, assault and battery, car theft, shoplifting; with coordinated campaigns to reduce crime opportunities; and with offender-related measures.

Particular forms of criminality demand special forms of intervention that have a promising effect in a certain field of delinquency. Studies on such special situations show this quite clearly. They include drug crimes (combined control strategies of the police and trained teams from municipal institutions to stop drug trafficking); xenophobic, racist violence (permanent combined measures like improving offence reporting behaviour, security plans involving the police, victims, landlords, psychological advisory services, offender-related measures and police specialisation); domestic violence (intervention programmes; cf. Bannenberg/Weitekamp/Rössner/Kerner 1999; Schweikert 2000); vandalism (technical prevention to reduce offence opportunities and offender-oriented measures). It is apparent everywhere that well-structured programmes that take a differentiated approach to a particular crime problem produce better results than less structured approaches (Lösel 1996: 57 ff.).

However, in all these social fields, courageous people are needed who are willing to face up to the problems and who are not prepared to accept social and individual harm. A culture of looking the other way (Schwind et al. 1998) stops the discussion of crime prevention, which has a fatal effect in relatively closed social spaces. The messenger, i.e., the person who reports an offence, must not be condemned for disturbing the community: the message and how it relates to reality are what is important. Anyone in a system under the rule of law who for moral reasons publicises a criminal offence - for example at school or in the home - is not an informer but a responsible citizen concerned to protect the victims.(10)

Reinforced informal and constructive social control in various spheres of life apparently performs an essential role in crime prevention. As empirical studies on the effectiveness of criminal law show, it seems to be far more important than formal control - especially that exercised by criminal justice (Rössner 2001: 978 ff.). The preventive force of criminal law lies in more intensive prosecution and in the risk of discovery and not, for example, in the extent or severity of punishment. This is where promising community policing approaches fit in (Kube, 1999: 71 ff.).(11) Criminal law is an important element of the state's monopoly of force with the task of isolating breaches of the norm to nip spiralling crime in the bud and to afford justice and protection to the victim (Schöch 1990: 95 ff.).

The preventive necessity of criminal law intervention and constructive conflict resolution offering opportunities for social learning is best illustrated by the institution of offender-victim mediation (also conflict regulation, reconciliation). Offender-victim mediation is better suited than any other reactive measure to make the offender aware that he has breached elementary rules of behaviour and has to take responsibility for the consequences. This assumption of responsibility also satisfies the norm clarification function of criminal law relating to young offenders without having a de-socialising and disintegrative impact. Offender-victim mediation is the classical case of an integrative sanction (Rössner 1992; 1998; 1999). It can be particularly useful in furthering the following preventive functions: limit-setting (norm clarification) through confrontation with adverse consequences; the model function for the pro-social assumption of responsibility; social learning; and reinforcing acceptance of non-violent solutions and integration. Offender-victim mediation is thus the only (criminal law) reaction that can introduce important countervailing aspects, because the offender takes cognisance of the victim and, if the process is successful, acknowledges him as a person, for he has to concern himself intensively with the suffering of the victim, his guilt and responsibility. There is now evidence for the positive impact of this approach in crime prevention. According to international research (Weitekamp 1990) and comparable studies on the use of "mild means" in the context of diversion (Heinz/Hügel 1987), it can be assumed that OVM is at least equally as effective and that the constructive elements have a positive impact. At any rate, first studies on recidivism show a positive trend (Schütz 1999; Busse 2001).

In problem-oriented crime prevention, CCTV surveillance for high-risk public spaces, particularly favoured in the United Kingdom, has proved extremely successful (critical comment in Gras 2001: 12-15; Reuband 2001: 5 ff.). As a purely technical control tool, its effectiveness is only limited in comparison with stronger informal controls, but there is empirical evidence that legally unobjectionable video surveillance by the police does reduce crime in clearly definable, high-risk spaces in the community. Image transmission to a manned monitor plus recording puts the offender doubly at risk of discovery, which clearly influences his decision on whether to act because he is more likely to be punished: he must reckon with immediate arrest and with easier identification through the recording. Possible displacement effects (which have to be considered in the case of other measures to reduce opportunities for crime, as well) still have to be investigated. However, there are indications that even where displacement does take place, the reduction effect is greater.

Social Integration Programmes

Leaving aside these programmes, which tend to be oriented on (constructive) intervention, intensive social integration programmes can be expected to have a positive preventive effect in relation to individuals at multiple and high risk of delinquent development if they begin either at a very early stage in childhood or address very specific deviant behaviours.

Successful family programmes designed to promote the well-being of the child are available for the first alternative, providing intensive supervision and guidance in child-rearing, educational support in problematic cases (Study 46; Butler 1994), especially where there is a tendency towards violence against children (Study 45), or - substantiated by a major longitudinal study (Study 42; Schweinhart/ Barnes/ Weikart 1993) - by encouraging social responsibility and learning motivation in deprived kindergarten children through play pedagogy. Such concepts are favoured in all major studies in the field of intensive crime prevention. Often several approaches are combined, like parent and child training with the involvement of the school (Lösel 2000; McCord/Tremblay 1992; Schneider 1999). However, programmes should not, as in the not very successful Cambridge Somerville Study (Study 51) be applied indiscriminately: they must be targeted and intensive. Isolated interventions have hardly any lasting effect. In practical implementation, attempts have been made, for instance in Denmark, to bundle efforts in so-called SSP programmes (social services, school, and police) and, in particular, to incorporate targeted programmes. Legislation has even required the actors involved to cooperate (Ive 1999: 267 ff.). The problem of interlinkage has not been solved elsewhere, either.

The elaborate but exemplary American project to support young offenders in the community through specially trained foster families (Study 47) shows that, in the secure atmosphere of suitable foster families, basic catch-up socialisation is possible in general personality development and social skill acquisition even in adolescence (15 to 19), bringing a marked reduction in delinquency.

Otherwise - if individual problems are not deeply grounded in failed basic socialization - programmes address delinquency-related problems specifically as possible. Although much research still needs to be done in this area, the effects of such measures can no longer be ignored. Our analysis shows positive effects of specific drug therapy - possibly because the focus has so far been on problem-oriented programmes (Studies 1-7, 9, 11, 12).

The greatest success has been achieved by multi-level, longer-term intervention specifically addressing the criminally inclined juvenile and a supportive community with supervision by mentors (Study 44), or the particular problem of domestic violence (Studies 20, 23). Stand-alone social training courses that are limited and not very integrative have less chance of succeeding (Studies 18, 60).

In the case of severely delinquent children and adolescents, especially if they have no more links at all with a structured life, constructive residential care can succeed in the last resort and be a first step towards integration. For young offenders between the ages of 14 and 18 sentenced by a juvenile court this can offer a useful alternative to penal detention, which is dominated by young adults (Rössner 1991).(12) With a great deal of pedagogical input, difficult children and adolescents can be stabilised in such small institutions. In a country under the rule of law that is concerned for the welfare of its citizens, it is no alternative to simply stand by and watch the complete social disintegration of young people by the age of 14 and their consequent incarceration.

Good residential care can now be a viable alternative even for severely delinquent juveniles because of the protection it can offer: a permanent significant person as educator, social support from non-dissocial persons, clear norms and structures in the institution as well as the development of cognitive and social skills plus the experience of self-efficacy, coherence, and structure in life (Lösel/Pomplun 1998). Despite the high cost of such institutions, the necessary crime-prevention resources should be provided for the few people involved in dealing with most difficult cases in the community.

Finally, major countereffects of prevention through social integration must be pointed out: criminal attitudes and behaviours among young people are determined relatively strongly not only by family and school but also by equally close peer groups (Hawkins/Herrenkohl/Farrington 1998: 106 ff.). They provide models and reinforce a deviant lifestyle. This means that in crime-prevention programmes that work not with the individual but with (deviant) groups, peer-group effects may obstruct positive aspects of integration or even be negatively superimposed on them. This danger is particularly acute for less deviant persons if they are brought together with severely deviant cases (Schumann 2001: 442).

References

(1) However, the same methodologically demanding criteria are not applied.

(2) www.duesseldorf.de/download/dg.pdf for the over 400 page report and http://www.duesseldorf.de/download/dgll.pdf for the guidelines. Adobe 5.0. is recommended for downloading. Where this article refers to "studies 1-61" reference is to the report, Rössner/Bannenberg 2002. For details see there.

(3) It should be pointed out that, strictly speaking, the only projects that could be recommended for emulation are those that have proved lastingly effective in experimental tests in various places. On methodological prerequisites see Schumann 2001: 435 ff. However, there are no such projects in Germany, so that all that can be recommended is to try out the successful projects and later subject them to scientific assessment.

(4) For details see Rössner/Bannenberg 2002.

(5) For details see the studies in the report Rössner/Bannenberg 2002.

(6) On the criminological explanation of social norm learning, which confirms the positive evaluations of both intervention and integration programmes, see Rössner/Bannenberg Leitlinien 2002: 13-21.

(7) See also the findings of the 13 studies in the report, Rössner/Bannenberg 2002.

(8) Rössner/Bannenberg 2002 Gutachten Studies 5, 11, 21, 25, 29, 30-34, 40, 41, 47, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61.

(9) Rössner/Bannenberg 2002 Gutachten Studie 61.

(10) For a detailed treatment of the problem of whistle blowing in the case of corruption, cf. Bannenberg, 2002: 375 ff. The principles can be transferred as is to other social areas.

(11) See also the compilation of worldwide projects by the United Nationals Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI), Preventing Crime: Citizens Experience across the world, 1997.

(12) The Baden-Württemberg Ministry of Justice is currently implementing a "Project Opportunity" model as an alternative to penal detention for young prisoners.

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