Approaches to the Recovery
of Communal Maneuverability

1. Introduction

The desolate financial situation of communities has for a long while narrowed their maneuverability noticeably and recently quite dramatically. With all the heterogeneity of the communal problem situations, the material danger for the local self-government appears to have a sad common ground, such that in reverse, the reform and consolidation of municipal finances are at the top of the agenda for political discussion (cf. Deutscher Städtetag 2001).

In spite of the fundamental significance of a reform of municipal finances, it would still be stating it too lightly to limit the discussion and suggested actions to this aspect (cf. Schönig 2001a: 143f.). This for two reasons: First, it is indisputable that the innovations in the area of municipal social politics and business stimulation in the last decade would not have been driven to that degree without the pressure of scarce municipal finances. The scarcity of finances also had its good sides. Secondly, an abstraction from the more technical problems of the municipal financial resources would be recommended analytically for municipal research. Only then will one gain a clear picture of the chances and risks, as well as the contradictions and amount of cuts within the areas of local political maneuverability.

In answer to the question of how municipal maneuverability could be recovered, there has not been a patent answer in the discussion for a long time. The suggestions from science remain mostly fragmented and quite vague (cf. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 2000: 13; Kunzmann 2001: 4), so that even within the framework of this contribution there is little left over to offer as orientation for institutions, actors and in relation to objectives. The following attempts to represent three aspects: the "soft" cooperation in networks, decentralized integration and the expansion of preventive measures in regard to their possible contribution for recovering municipal maneuverability. On this basis, the positions on recovering municipal maneuverability will finally be critically summarized corresponding to the progress of rational political analysis in regard to conflicts of interest and structural problems.

2. "Soft" cooperation in networks

It is the implicit or explicit goal of the stimulation programs from federal government to the Länder for municipalities to induce a balance in their socio-economic development. Keeping a drastic distance from the "hard" public forms of organization (employed since the 90s) will be instrumental, while the informal, softer cooperation in networks at the center of interest were sidelined. A plausible program has resulted from theoretical and empirical network research for a public actor: "Increase the significance of the collective future of private actors, reward cooperation and penalize defection" (Elsner 2001: 64; 2000). If one supposes that the private actors have their own interests in cooperation and the creation of certain public goods, then the situation must become "in principle only unblocked and/or accelerated and stabilized" (ibid.: 65) by political decision, the existing cooperative relationships must not therefore be replaced. Political action is thereby transferring to qualitative instruments such as information supply, votes on decisions, public recognition and so forth. These aspects form the contours of an interactive paradigm of municipal social politics and economic stimulation.

Within the stimulation of informal cooperation regular conflicts of interest arise when they should, at the same time, be serving the efficiency of leveling. These conflicts of interest will be briefly described in the following.

2.1 Efficiency of economic stimulation versus adjustment of living conditions

A first conflict of interest in municipal business stimulation lies between the target of maximal leverage (efficiency) and that of a similar economic development in country and region. Efficient economic stimulation typically joins the existing production-cluster: they will then expand leverage where a solid economic basis had already been created anyway. In regional economic stimulation today this is broadly called for under the motto "strengthening the strong". The logical consequence of this strategy is a strengthened regional concentration of developing branches.

Municipal and regional conditions of a location have been found of special interest in the new regional economy. These factors stress the significance of the region for location decisions and indigenous growth processes. If a region wishes to recommend itself today, it must offer advantages of the area which are unique. As such the regional milieu or networks are seen as location advantages which are offered to companies or branches and which can only be utilized there. Thus the embedded firm and its surrounding network has become a strategic point of reference for considerations of municipal economic stimulation locally. Regions are not (only) passive objects in a globalized economy, they (also) play a dominant role in structural change and growth processes (cf. Lammers 1999: 5 ff.; Rehfeld/Wompel 1997: 9 ff.). Municipalities and regions can influence the investment behavior of local as well as internationally operating firms, since "the sustainable competitive advantages of a global economy lies increasingly in regional areas" (Porter 1999: 51).

Sustainability in the sense of municipal economic stimulation demands the development of long-term, effective, competitive advantages which are not arbitrary or short-lived imitations of other municipalities. The goal of regional economic politics is thus regional specialization and its support by selective economic stimulation. Experience teaches that the services belonging to a municipality are highly complex, susceptible to disturbances, and directed to a great degree by events (cf. Küpper 2000: 13). In such terribly fragile surroundings, successes and failures strengthen each other: a booming region such as Munich threatens such a tendency as a collapse - even if with other early warnings - such as the former industrial cities in the Lausitz region. If the federal government and the Länder wish to achieve the greatest leverage with their stimulation funds, then it applies to them also to minimize misdirected stimulus packages. This will then happen by taking the cluster already functioning and contact advantages already realized into the picture.

2.2 Creation of plurality and trust versus deadline for assistance

A further conflict of interest is seen through a limited assistance which is attempting to establish a relationship of trust and which then funds strong networks. Courage is demanded of federal and Landes politics to contradict the popular zeitgeist and to agree to long-term obligations for financial engagement, by which even weakly represented interests are granted the right of participation.

The endogenous potentials on location are the points of reference for "modern" assistance politics. To see through a limited assistance of municipal networks in the area of business and/or social impetus is both the goal and method, such that self sufficient cooperative structures can be built up in the region or in the quarter. Whether social urban development, occupational assistance or urban marketing - nothing moves any longer without "social capital", whether it be for the "construction of organizational capacities in order to form self sufficient networks" or for the utilization of "dynamic agglomeration advantages of a developing region". In urban districts, cities and regions of decline, there is primarily an antiquated institutional system, in this perspective, and the assistance politics should be fastened to restructuring these (cf. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 2000: 25).

Meanwhile the experiences have clearly shown the boundaries with the network assistance: in light of a regular many-layered collective of interests, the construction, and above all the maintenance of strong cooperative structures is tiring and protracted, but even their durability is latently endangered. Problems of adequate formation of the stimulus instrument raise the question of whether and how far the existing "social capital" is already used in the community and if and how the assistance should be charged to the community.

Identification in the sense of trust in a "common future" must be created particularly there, within the mobile population and branches. The communities could thus be easily blackmailed by well-situated actors and at the same time they will have to take steps which contradict the goals of a socially coherent, and mixed economic structure. These again hide the danger of a leveling of regional cultures (cf. Elsner 2000). If the regional networks are truly exchangeable and limited, they will tend to be less durable.

Along with the social problematic of this recourse to the existing institutional structures, the question is asked as to how truly productive the existing network is. If a productive network exists in a city, then the same program will be able to develop an incomparably higher efficiency than in a city with a blocked network (cf. Fürst/Schubert 1998: 354 ff.). This means that the same formation of a stimulus program alone (from federal or Landes government) in no way guarantees that the same effects can be achieved in all communities. In fact the reverse is assumed, such that the actual network must be studied on location, in order to obtain primary data about the expected effects of the stimulus before granting them means.

In addition, integrated positions and methods have to be applied long-term in the interest of sustainable assistance success (cf. Blotevogel 2001: 9; Austermann/Zimmer-Hegmann 2001: 77 and 82). Neither the economic assistance not the construction of social networks can succeed short-term, because they, for their part, are dependent on the trust of the target groups which are addressed in a common future. When the networks are once established it requires a trustworthy institutional framework to provide a long-term perspective for the actors. That is a long-term perspective which is then the basic prerequisite for an atmosphere of compromise for the actors. Identification with a "common future" is only obtainable when time and money are available and used cleverly (Löhr 2000; Austermann/Zimmer-Hegmann 2001: 82 f.).

3. Decentralized Integration

The idea of "decentralized integration" should make it clear that in a multiplicity of fields of action within the community - that is, decentralized - an integration of instruments and representatives is practiced. Here too the question arises as to whether the euphoria about the many layered renaissance of regions is not premature and where the real chances and problems of decentralized integration lie.

3.1 Integrated methods of action

Under pressure of reform for scarce finances and with massive demands from advising institutions (KGSt, Bertelsmann Stiftung), the new model of control (Tilburger Model, New Public Management) is promoted to both the key notion of micro-economizing of public administrations and to the model for success. Improved possibilities of integrative methods are opened by the new model of control, however only as far as the blocking of individual officials and specialist departments a) hinder the goals and proofs of success and, b) is blocked by the citizen based embodiment of responsibility (cf. Brülle/Schleimer 1995: 59 f.; Empter/Frick 1999; Becker/Löhr 2000: 27). When these prerequisites are established and there is therefore an opening guaranteed for officials and specialist departments, then the new model of control offers more room for development in their basic initiation for project oriented cooperation of various specialist areas and actors.

Integrated stimulus programs were imposed in the Federal Republic first in Nordrhein-Westfallen, and also in the second half of the nineties in Bremen, Hamburg and Berlin (on the concept and chronology of the program "Districts with special development requirements - the social city" ("Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf - die soziale Stadt" cf. also Becker/Löhr 2000: 22 ff.). Since 1999 the municipal building assistance of the federal government has oriented itself to these new set priorities; in the summer of 1999 the Federal Ministerial Office for Transportation, Construction and Housing introduced the Federal-Länder-Program newly adopted by the federal government, "Districts with special development requirements - the social city". This program - which is however "minimally" supported financially (according to the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 2000: 13) - has the same integrated model of action and the same goal as the similar sounding NRW-Program ("Districts with special renewal needs"). And here too it is intended, using flexible assistance conditions and by voted action of the departments, to work against the negative development in endangered districts.

A further expansion of the integrated method results in the wake of the reformation of the EU Structural Fund for the EU Community Initiative URBAN I and II. The Community Initiative URBAN was newly published during the assistance period 2000 to 2006, and expanded by the components of Target 2-Assistance from the EU Structural Policy. The integrated assistance programs will be evaluated with one of their own methods (cf. Toepel 1999; Austermann/Zimmer-Hegmann 2001: 11 ff.) (1). Meanwhile discussion processes are being initiated in numerous regional conferences, qualification and job market conferences, and program working groups.

Finally the discussion about the Agenda 21 integrated model for action at the municipal level has been pushed into the center of interest. It soon became apparent that the concept of sustainable development has a close relationship to urban development. In Germany the transfer was made in the urban construction report "Sustainable Urban Development" in 1996, which thematized the exchange between city and country as well as inner-city utilization and ordinance structure (cf. Schubert 2000: 289). Although there is sustainable development, - on the basis of economic labor production and ecological dependence between city and surrounding lands - it is not possible within settled urban areas alone. Very probably inner-city spatial structures can be stabilized, and civil engagement can be seized upon. Social sustainability relating to quarters and districts presents itself as embattled by social disintegration and discrimination, and with the goal of working against the danger of "over burdened" quarters and districts. That means avoiding the development of deeper and more locally concentrated poverty (cf. Dangschat 1997: 100 f.).

Although the concept of integrated methods of action can be respected as an important innovation of municipal social policy and economic stimulation, experiences up to this point, for example in social urban development or within the framework of the agenda process, recommend a cautious judgement:

1. It is clear that through integrated programs of social urban development, at best only a stabilization of economic and social structure of a "district with special renewal needs" could be achieved as a rule, but not a trend reversal (2). It hardly suffices to oblige each young and well-situated middle income family to remain in problem districts, although they have choices available on the housing market. It is impossible to consider further trend reversals occurring in the near future in the sense of return of these households into those districts.
Practically one sees that the new control model of the municipal administration - because of the combined multiplicity of actors and the necessity of an integration of measures in a "product catalogue" - can also act as a hindrance in the social urban renewal. Thus in the area of social urban development, one increasingly discusses how to start intervention earlier and on a smaller scale, that is, before the downward spiral of decline of the living conditions and, the "status panic" of the middle classes even begins.

2. Even the Agenda process has left the phase of euphoria behind, so that the realization of the problems of sustainable development are pushed into the foreground. Optimism in regard to the effective power of the Agenda process is supported today by the basic phenomenon of a growing societal preparedness in dealing with the topic "sustainability". The sustainability discussion of the 90s appears to be a dialectical middle path between the belief in the practicability of the 60s and the future anxiety of the 70s and 80s. Whatever high expectations were integrated into the concept and got it moving will function only - as with every "soft" cooperation in networks - when the concrete projects offer additional uses for all involved in the area.

3.2 Diversity of cross section tasks

While the above described methods for action are already to be explicitly conceived in their assumptions as integrated methods toward action, in the past few years cross section jobs have been given special weight in local politics. The implicit-integrative approach of cross section tasks only opens itself upon closer inspection, because even here instruments should be integrated decentrally in order to support the target group more strongly.(3)

Corresponding to the diversity of modern society and to the ideal of rational politics, a multiplicity of target groups can be defined such as, say, families, retired, migrants, unemployed and social welfare recipients, but also entrepreneurs and businesses for whose needs an integrated cross section policy is required (cf. Schönig 2001b). The following explanations concentrate in exemplary fashion on the local family policy as well as on the assistance of integration of unemployed and especially social welfare recipients within the job market.

Family assistance is a classical cross section area of social politics (cf. in exemplary fashion: Wingen 1997: 1 ff.). The families are not only a "value" unto themselves and protected by Basic Law, but beyond that, they also fulfill important functions for society and in the community. Recently families have been discovered by the communities to be producers of human capital as well, and thereby a local factor. Out of this multiplicity of reasons the communities credit family assistance and their family friendliness to be of ever greater importance. Important impetus for this is given by the project "Family and child friendliness test in communities" from the Federal Ministry for Families, Seniors, Women and Youth (cf. BMFSFJ 1999). The basic idea is to establish family assistance as a cross-section job of local politics, and to subject all of the urban measures toward a "Family and child friendliness test in communities" (ibid.: 14 ff.).

Thus the intervening social politics for families (federal social welfare law and other legal regulations) should now enter as a "social structural policy" for families. The first step in this direction is the balancing of an inventory of the existing family friendliness measures of the community with the results of an assessment of need by means of interviewing families. In doing this, a lack of counseling available for children under three and over six years old becomes apparent, a deficit of flexibility and reliability of playgroups as well as too little counseling available in crisis situations. Added to this come the demands for an expansion of recreational centers and family oriented living space, after the dismantling of the limitation of use, on the grounds of pollution and traffic, as well as the demand for a "reclamation of the streets" in general. The latter especially indicates how far-reaching the interests of other target groups are affected by consistent local family politics. The establishment of cross section politics for a target group has been interpreted as attorneyship in a conflict of interests with other population groups in the community, and sees itself as facing corresponding resistance (4).

With regard to the integration of the unemployed into the job market, and especially the recipients of social welfare, there is a multiplicity of attempts across the country to connect social welfare and employment demands at the local level. The goal of this project is to reduce the number of social welfare jobs, unless those applicants able to work can be placed in jobs, or in cases where potential abuse of social welfare is forestalled. In the expert discussions this type of cross section policy for a target group is welcomed; the central government, communities, employment officials, welfare associations and institutions are working closely together here. It almost appears as if a royal road for local social politics has been found with the cooperation of employment and social officials in consultation with independent actors, whose main feature in the mid-90s was defined by formal cooperative contracts and whose optimal realization only conflicted with problems of detail. Critical voices who see in the concept of "require and assist" a qualitative reversal in the legal claim to social welfare, hardly play a role now in the public discussion (5).

As a far reaching example, the model project "social offices" of the Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen is mentioned, whose results are documented in an exhaustive final report (cf. MASQT 2000). The social political and social labor core of the new advisory model is case management which was conceived as a delineation of the classical casework. If the case study had to do with the immediate employment of the labor of social workers, which produces a product or service for the client, then it is simply case management which is intended, and which is set in motion by the immediate production process (ibid.: 99). The social worker is no longer concentrating on the behavioral changes of the client by means of psycho-social intervention, but on the discovery, construction and observation of a support network adequate to the problem. The case manager must thereby moderate between scarce resources and the needs of the clients, and make decisions; he personifies at the same time the cross section task of a labor market integrator of social welfare recipients. With the new model project "social agencies", the central government NRW has now taken a further step by which it assigns the primary role of sub-contractors to the free actors (cf. MASQT 2001: 5 and 15). Again the goal is to decrease the social welfare jobs through an integrated package of measures, and here especially to obligate the unemployed social welfare recipients to a "co-production" in the integration production.

With all of the potential social policy and urban assistance for cross-section tasks, and oriented toward target groups, their structural problems should not go unchecked:

• It deals first of all with the problem that a strong orientation around target groups endangers the political profile and credibility of local politics. Approximating from to the saying, "no one can serve two masters" there is a danger of a programmatic inconsistency, since a conflict of use and interests (for example, due to noise pollution) can exist between target groups (for example, family versus seniors). Thus a further dilemma arises: a one-sided solution of this conflict of interests, in the sense of subordination to an area of politics, would hardly be in accord with the complexity of the practical local politics (6).
• A second structural problem of cross section politics oriented toward target groups is based in the various power and legal positions of its central actors. For the beyond the confrontation this means concretely that the family representative acts as an internally administrative attorney of all families, the case manage, but as qualified sanctioned representative of the executive for social welfare recipients. In both areas one can observe a personification of the cross-section tasks, however with completely different competences and ranges for the target groups. Before potentials and problems of cross section politics for target groups are thematized, one should make clear the basically different ranges of these political concepts.

4. Expansion of preventative measures

The expansion of preventative measures is, particularly on the local level, the most frequently expressed action recommended in politics. In health policy these demands have been expressed for years by the expert council (Sachverständigenrat) for concentrated action in health, as well as most recently by close advisors of the red-green coalition government (cf. Sachverständigenrat 1988: sub-paragraph 281; Lauterbach 2001: 195 ff.). And it has also reached areas of social politics beyond that. It may be that one should intervene in the problems on the job market as early as possible in order to prevent long-term unemployment (for example, preventative and proactive labor market policy according to Knuth 2000: 10 ff.), or if one should intervene in the social urban development policy as early as possible so that the entire quarter is not dragged down, affected by the symptoms of decay in one city block (cf. Blotevogel 2001: 10 ff.).

Advocates of preventive measures show that by early intervention by the state, a later "stabilization" of the problem, the avoidance of a "downward spiral" or an "area conflagration" could be accomplished with less expense. Precisely on the local level the promise of greater efficiency of measures has met with high expectations, but it is exactly here that the acquisition of data, as well as the decisive findings of the internal administration, are seen as grave problems which endanger the efficiency of preventive measures.

4.1 Creation of a broad data base

The creation of a broad data base should allow one to estimate the probability with which a stabilization of the problem could occur or when a downward spiral could set in. It is probable that this is more possible in labor market politics and in medicine, since here assertions can be made about the probable entrance of problems or about the average effect of measures based on individual features (as for example, by so-called profiling of unemployed, in contrast to medicine based on evidence). The more complex the connections of the effects are during that time, that is, the more dependence between the individual risks have to be taken into account (for example, in light of the basic data of one branch, an infection or the development of an entire district), the more one is maneuvering in speculations.

The wide-spread demands that "better and more fact-based information" should be available on developments in the community, the administration, business and citizenry (cf. Kunzmann 2001: 8) meets with especially ready agreement when the qualitative aspect of the information situation is criticized. But one asks what prognostic quality is actually achievable at the local level and how far local politics can be made realistic at all. Looking forward, particularly for a community which runs purely technically, the tendency is toward an "arrogance of knowledge" about developments which, to a great degree, lie outside the area of local influence. The danger of the misdirected assistance in attempting to direct sensitively is the present danger.

The misdirected assistance mentioned deals neither with a take-away effect nor a watering can effect. The take-away effect assumes that the beneficiary takes the initiative, for example, as a business lets an investment be subsidized, which it would have completed alone anyway. Over against that, the state regularly takes over the initiative with preventive measures. The watering can effect depicts assistance being handed out to all, which means without testing individual cases and need. Over against that, the administration regularly carries out tests on individual cases and cases of need with preventive measures, whose prognostic value must remain incomplete on the basis of technical problems.

4.2 Decision making process

The decision making process to pass preventive measures can take very different forms. The more comprehensive the measure (or package), the more political and politically risky the decision (7). There is much which speaks for acting, first on the side of local administration, as it were, secretly - and thus also beyond the political discourse - and then also in the area of preventive urban development. Again to this end a local monitoring and early warning system must be installed which allows early formalized opposing strategies to be initiated (cf. Blotevogel 2001: 11). It is probably also only to be decided, in individual cases, whether the opposing strategies would not be better reorganized with groups of actors as participants, whether then the expected acceptance gained by inviting actors to take part would outweigh the feared loss of image.

5. Summary

In light of the social modernization and its economically changing structure the communities will be faced with the new challenges which they are already dealing with in various ways. If one wishes to improve or at least stabilize the "quality of life" in the cities for all population groups, then one labors politically at a higher complexity and with diverse conflicts of interest. The chances to achieve successes easily and with political acceptance on a broad front here are small.

It is common, using the diverse methods for recovery of communal maneuverability, that they place the potential in the foreground and not the problems. One should think here of the developmental potential of a cluster of branches, of a district with special development requirements, or of the chances of re-incorporating the unemployed into the labor market. The stress on potentials stands, so to speak, for a modern project oriented local policy, while the other way around, the stress on problems stands as symptoms for a backward-looking, chamberlain oriented local policy. However this dichotomy presents a distorted picture.

In fact in local practice it proves that the opening of potentials calls for a discussion with possible conflicts of goal and interest. The following diagram shows an overview of the problem structure on this basis, and the solution positions again in summary:

The diagram illustrates that the three positions introduced for recovery of municipal maneuverability can be ordered according to typical advantages and disadvantages. One hopes for advantages through a greater leverage of engagement of means as well as a stabilization or even improvement in each respective section. An intrinsic value, in the sense of an increase in social capital, can pass to them by means of an opened space for innovation. The advantages also have their disadvantages in the form of a strengthening of, or new development of disparities, of possibly misdirected assistance and the general difficulty surveying the effects on individual target groups.

The position of rational politics shows a middle way between these pros and cons. In the area of situation analysis there is no alternative to the construction of a local reporting system, for analysis of smaller areas as well as for analysis of the situations for individual target groups. It is important here that not only the data from the administrative action are processed, but observation by one's own conceived indicators ensues. Moreover, along with the goal analysis, is the attempt to give a consistent targeting system to local social and economic policy, which again requires a broad discussion with all of the actors involved. The stronger the local policy is concentrated on individual target groups, the more pressing it is to gain an honest picture of the situation and thereby to take each of those interests into consideration which have no representational power internally. The analysis of means recommends finally that the recognition of the perceptions of the network research be considered, and then also to fashion the instruments used in terms of combinations of "harder" and "softer" measures. Only by such a combination can the work of productive networks be insured and can secure the perspective of a common future for the actors.

References

(1) As internationally conceived programs for the evaluation of integrated methods of action, the programs are named "Social Exclusion and Integration in European cities (URBEX)" (documented in http://www.frw.uva.nl/ame/urbex/) and "Evaluation of local socio-economic strategies in districts with special renewal requirements (ELSES)" (documented in http://www.ils.nrw.de/netz/elses/).

(2) Austermann/Zimmermann-Hegmann (2001: 73) speak unmistakably vaguely concerning the "districts with special renewal needs", saying that the "hope in the districts neglected up to now has returned... Whether these measures (of the program W.S.) are fitting to the results of reducing the social tendencies which had lead to the problems in this area up to this point, have first to be seen. In certain conditions it would also be a success to have relations stabilized and to avoid a further escalation of the situation."

(3) Basically the inhabitants and those utilizing a district can also form a target group. This special case was prepared with the integrated programs of urban development politics described above.

(4) On the function of the local children's' representative cf. also the experiences of the city Essen in the international city network at www.cities-of-tomorrow.net.

(5) An exhaustive study presented by the Bertelsmann Stiftung (2000) which documents the truly unproblematic cooperation of employment and social welfare officials, and in which further steps were recommended. As a rare example of public opinion exchange between pro and contra positions on the concept were reported on the position in a published report by the Federal Labor Union for Labor (2001).

(6) In local political economic assistance it is confidently demanded that an "erasure of the borders of the neighboring task areas" is necessary. On the basis of the central significance of economic assistance, "the coordination and controlling function for economic and business related projects should be transferred", while the other responsibilities would have to be subordinated with this "erasure of the boundaries" of its task areas (cf. Küpper 2000: 34 f.).

(7) The catalyst for programs of integrated urban development, according to information from the Institute for Landes and Urban Development of the Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen (ILS), is a comprehensive socio-spatial analysis "only in the rarest cases". A cause may lie in the fear of the unintended side-effects which arise because the publicly effective chain reaction for one district, whose negative stigmatization as "problem district" could bring with it. Most of the time it takes the truly "grave events" (criminality or closing of large concerns) to create the "necessary public consciousness of a problem", to which the local politicians react with the application process for integrated urban development (cf. Austermann/Zimmer-Hegmann 2001: 17).

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